INCO willingly helped Nazi German aggression

INCO.american-invasion

Supplier of nickel to the Third Reich, propagandist against the Third Reich

By Tony Seed with Albert Noden

On November 21, 2014 the Harper government joined the United States and Ukraine as the only three countries voting against the annual United Nations anti-Nazi resolution, initiated in 2005. Proposed by Russia, the resolution condemns attempts to glorify Nazi ideology and to deny German Nazi war crimes, including the Holocaust. Harper is actually following in the footsteps of his predecessors, as we document further in this post.

On the eve of the Second World War, during the height of the collusion between Britain and Nazi Germany known as appeasement for a war against the Soviet Union, King George VI and Queen Elizabeth made a 44-day state visit in 1939 to Canada. The prime minister, William Lyon Mackenzie King, had himself met with Hitler and other top Nazi leaders in Berlin in 1937 and expressed his frank admiration for the leader of the Third Reich and its fascist program.

In his own words on 30 June 1937: “My sizing up of the man as I sat and talked with him was that he is really one who truly loves his fellow-men, and his country, and would make any sacrifice for their good.”[1]

King George VI and Queen Elizabeth toured in May-June 1939 as King and Queen of Canada, with a side visit to the USA and negotiations with US president Franklin Delano Roosevelt at his private Hyde Park residence.

Enroute to Germany, King had stopped in London to be briefed by the British where he invited George VI, who had recently replaced his brother on the throne, to Canada at a future date. The “pro-Nazi” Edward VIII – the most notable British figure to identify with the anti-Soviet policy written in the blood and tears of the peoples of Drang nach osten (drive to the East) though not the least – had abdicated amidst murky circumstances, replaced by the “anti-Nazi” George VI.[2]

This was the first time a reigning British monarch had ever visited Canada, the so-called self-governing Dominion. The tour can hardly be described as ceremonial or merely propagandistic. The propaganda about this tour, as about the origins of World War II, is so outlandish that it is presented as a royal love affair. “It was the most successful royal tour in Canadian history, with enormous crowds greeting the royal couple as they crossed the country by train.” Mackenzie King welcomed the royal couple at every stop on the tour and accompanied them to the US. The Canadian Encyclopedia reports further that the (state-owned) “CBC radio sent a staff of 100 to cover the tour, and newspapers reported extensively on the events. The tour provided the impetus for inaugurating a Canadian shortwave broadcasting service. There was an international press corps as well, which travelled on the royal train.” [3]

The tour of a nickel mine

One stop of the royal train stands out. On 5 June, the British Royals, MacKenzie King and a host of local dignitaries wearing mining helmets and slickers toured the Frood nickel mine of the American-owned International Nickel Company of Canada (INCO) in Sudbury, Ontario. This was not a coincidence. The stops of the Royal Tour were principally provincial capital cities. Sudbury was the sole working class city designated for the royal treatment. It was an important epicentre of the mass struggles of Canadian workers in the 1930s where miners, led by the communists, had waged militant struggles throughout the Depression. Following the Sudbury stop, the royal train did make an unscheduled stop at Cochrane where the King and Queen, reportedly seeing a large crowd, as people gathered much like when the circus comes to town, asked for a 30-minute delay.

Royal car coming out from park going to Inco’s Frood mine | Jack Heit

The visit was a testimony to the importance of INCO and the vital nickel mines. Elizabeth (later known as the Queen Mother) was even taken underground, the first woman ever to do so, violating a longstanding taboo about women in the mines, with great excitement in the press. [4]

The public relations visit served to camouflage the reality that INCO had been stockpiling nickel in Nazi Germany since 1934 as cartel price-fixing alliance with I. G. Farben, the biggest of the Nazi trusts and prosecuted at Nuremburg for war crimes. Questions were being publicly raised in Ottawa about the covert arrangement. At the time, INCO controlled 85 per cent of world nickel production in the 1930s and delivered nickel to the Hitlerite state for political-military reasons. (In 2006, INCO was taken over by the Brazilian mining monopoly Vale in 2006; at the time it was the world’s second largest producer of nickel, and the third largest mining company outside South Africa and Russia of platinum group metals.)

The links between INCO and the Third Reich were not exceptional. Apart from the 1937 organizing visit of MacKenzie King to Berlin, they included negotiations by Quebec in 1937 to sell the Germans Anticosti Island, strategically located in the Gulf of St. Lawrence [5]; the export of iron ore from the Wabana mines on Bell Island, Newfoundland by British-owned Dominion Coal and Steel; and the export of cryolite, a vital mineral in the processing of aluminum from Greenland to the Third Reich, the leading producer of aluminum in the world – I.G. Farben was also involved in a cartel with the Andrew Mellon-owned Alcan/Alcoa monopoly.

The team of German “researchers” came to Anticosti in the fall of 1937 “to explore the forest resources” of the island. It was suspected that they were military officers | Robert H. Thomas

In 1940-41 leaders of the Mine, Mill and Smelters Union from Sudbury were among those arrested and persecuted by the Liberal government using dictatorial powers under the War Measures Act and the “Defence of Canada Regulations” at the inception of World War II. [6]

Historians and ideologues who falsely accuse Joseph Stalin and the USSR of being unprepared for the Nazi invasion should look in the mirror: the Government of Canada never investigated the role of INCO in the Nazi invasion of Poland in August 1939. It took no initiative to prevent INCO’s participation in the nickel cartel with the Nazi trust. The MacKenzie King Liberals never prosecuted INCO for aiding and abetting the arming of Nazi Germany, a crime against humanity. One can only guess how many bullets and the armour plate of Krupp’s warships which killed hundreds of thousands of Allied soldiers and sailors contained nickel supplied by INCO from Sudbury, Ontario.

Notes

1. W.L. MacKenzie King’s Diary, 29 June 1937, Shunpiking Magazine, May-June 2015. For a discussion of the reason for King’s visit to Germany, see also Causes and Lessons of the Second World War, Speech Delivered by Hardial Bains on the Occasion of the 50th Anniversary of the Beginning of the Second World War, Shunpiking Magazine, May-June 2015.

2. Paul Foot, “Reality check: The Windsor family’s Nazi king of England,” May 21, 2014, tonyseedwordpress.com, May 21, 2014. Original source: London Review of Books, Vol. 10 No. 16 · 15 September 1988, pages 12-13.

3. Carolyn Harris, 1939 Royal Tour, The Canadian Encyclopedia, 2015.

4. See The National Film Board’s documentary “The Royal Visit.” http://www.nfb.ca/film/royal_visit The Sudbury portion of their trip is featured at 73:40 to 74:05 minutes within the 90 minute film.

5. Fernand Deschamps, “En marge du débat sur l’exploitation pétrolière au Québec: L’important rôle géostratégique de l’île d’Anticosti,” Chantier politique, Volume 2 Numéro 37 – 14 mars 2014. See also Hugues Théorêt, “L’expédition allemande à l’île d’Anticosti, Septentrion, 2017, reviewed here.

6. The 1939 Defence of Canada Regulations (DOCR) legalized repressive state measures such as waiving of habeas corpus, waiving the right to trial, internment, bans on political groups, restrictions of free speech including banning of certain publications, and the confiscation of property. Section 21 of the DOCR allowed the federal Minister of Justice to detain without charge anyone who might act “in any manner prejudicial to the public safety or the safety of the state.” The War Measures Act remained in force in Canada until the end of 1945, after which the National Emergency Transitional Powers Act replaced it until March 31, 1947. The Continuation of Transitional Measures Act was then enacted, maintaining certain wartime orders and regulations until April 30, 1951, by which time Canada was embroiled in the U.S.-led aggression against Korea, part of its “containment of communism” strategy. (George Allen, “Canada’s use of emergency powers to attack Communists, trade unionists, and anti-fascist Ukrainians,” TML Weekly Information Project, August 24, 2013 – No. 33


Excerpted from the book

Thus Wars Are Made!

(Title of the original German edition: So werden Kriege gemacht!)

Verlag Zeit im Bild, 1970

CLASSICAL EVIDENCE of this co-operation for war purposes is contained in the files of the IG Farben trust. At the Nuremberg trial against the IG Farben directors, the court confirmed that the International Nickel Company of Canada (INCO), which controls 85 per cent of the nickel production in the capitalist world, delivered nickel to the Hitlerite state for political-military reasons. On 29 September 1947, in the course of the trial, a declaration of the accused director, Paul Hafliger, was read out which stated that in 1934, that is to say, one year after Hitler’s rise to power, a treaty was signed between IG Farben and the nickel trust which permitted IG Farben to cover a good half of the German needs with only 50 per cent of the costs paid in foreign currency. In addition IG Farben AG was able to have the nickel trust stockpile a substantial supply of nickel in Germany at its expense.

Anyone who would care to plead naivete in defence of the nickel trust, however, will have the opposite proven to him by Director Hafliger himself. After the outbreak of the Second World War, on 19 October 1939, he wrote a memorandum which was placed before the Nuremberg court as Document No. NJ/9636 as evidence against the IG Farben criminals and in which Hafliger literally declares

“The nickel trust must endeavour not to permit its basic attitude to become public. Typical, for example, was its conduct when questions were asked both in Ottawa and in the British Parliament with the purpose of at least reducing the export to Germany. The trust understood how, even in that period of crisis, to divert the action by means of misleading statements behind the scenes and to have it come to nothing.”

What had happened? After Hitler’s annexation of Austria and the Sudetenland, and especially after the brutal rape of the rest of Czechoslovakia, the English-speaking peoples were highly disturbed, a fact which found its expression in the demand for economic and political security measures against the aggressor. Instead of acquiescing in these very natural demands, the nickel trust preferred to lie to the public about its continuing help for the nazi regime, and the help already planned for the future, and to continue to make deliveries to Hitler from its nickel mines in Petsamo, in far northern Europe (then Finland). Hafliger, whose praise of the trust speaks volumes, continues in his memorandum of October 1939:

“The attitude of the trust was completely loyal up to the last days before the outbreak of war. Among other things, no measures were attempted or steps undertaken to evade the great stockpiling risk which, after all, already amounted to some millions of Reichsmarks.”

What was involved here actually needs no commentary. A world encircling trust, which has its headquarters in Canada and is a joint business undertaking of big Anglo-American capital, consciously, willingly helped German aggression. In order to set aside any doubts in the matter, let us give the floor to the IG Farben director once more. Drunk with the initial victories of the Wehrmacht in the Second World War, Hafliger demanded in his memorandum that the Finnish government be required to reserve a greater portion of its Petsamo production for Germany. What, however, would the nickel trust say to that, owning the concessions on the deposits, as it had, since 1934? That did not trouble the IG Farben director in the least:

“With a knowledge of the personalities and the already established basic attitude of the nickel trust, I consider it to be certain that such a decree would be appreciated by the trust; but for itself, too, it will see in the supply of Germany a desired protection against a possible Russian seizure… Obviously, on the side of the trust everything will be avoided which could have the effect of making further co-operation impossible with us after the end of the war.’

It remains only to ask: who, then, the personalities were about whose “basic attitude” Hdfliger showed himself to be so well informed. The most important of them, in any case, was John F. Dulles, director and lawyer of the nickel trust and its chief adviser in all matters outside the American continent. He is:

  • the same Dulles who elaborated the plans for a blockade of Soviet Russia when he was a member of the United States delegation at the 1919 Paris Peace Conference and who became treasurer and secretary of the “Russian Department of the War Trade Council”, which was set up by US finance capital to bring the whole Russian economy under its control;
  • the same Dulles who, as the richest lawyer of international monopoly capital, represented the American branches of IG Farben; the same Dulles who in 1939, as lawyer for the fascist murderer Francisco Franco, took action before American courts to have monies turned over to his client which belong to the Spanish Republicans;
  • the same Dulles who, as lawyer for the German-British-American Schroeder Bank, defended their interests, while his brother Allen sat on their board of directors – the same Schroeder Bank which financed the Anglo-German Fellowship organization in Britain before the Second World War;
  • the same Dulles who personally gave significant sums of money to the openly fascist, anti-Semitic organization, America First, which supported Hitler, and who arranged for its registration;
  • the same Dulles who, when nazi Foreign Minister Ribbentrop sent an agent to America in 1940 in the person of Ludger Westrick, head of the German branch of the International Telephone and Telegraph Corp., served him as middleman and guarantor;
  • the same Dulles whose brother, Allen W. Dulles, as a higher official of the State Department made the proposal, as far back as 1925, to ignore the German re-arming, and as chief of American espionage in Europe in the Second World War, engaged in secret negotiations with Prince Maximilian Egon von Hohenlohe in 1943 in Switzerland and proposed peace with Hitler on the basis of Hitler’s annexations in South-East and Eastern Europe’;
  • the same J. F. Dulles who, as official adviser to Secretaries of State James F. Byrnes, George C. Marshall and Dean Acheson, participated in working out the anti-Soviet policy of the cold war; and
  • the same J. F. Dulles who, as Secretary of State of the USA, carried through the aggressive pro-fascist policy which he had always promoted, while his brother Allen at the same time advanced to become chief of the entire espionage and murder apparatus of the American secret service (CIA – editor).

The cases of Dillon, Read and the nickel trust, whose directors supported German imperialism and pressed arms into its hands for a war against the Soviet Union before the Second World War, in order to heave West German industrial and armaments capital into power again, indeed, to let it become stronger and more aggressive than ever before, after the war, illustrate the policy of the ruling circles of America. How the president of the telephone trust, Sosthenes Behn, personally arrived at an agreement with Hitler for cooperation and for assistance in the arming of the Third Reich; how the heads of General Motors and the Du Pont trust in 1937 agreed on a common front against the Soviet Union with the diplomatic representatives of Hitler; how Standard Oil helped to make the nazi regime fit to wage war; how the chief of General Motors wanted to persuade President Roosevelt to recognize a peace a la Hitler in which nazi Germany would become master of all Europe in 1940 – all of this has already been described in the relevant political literature.

A long list of such historical events demonstrates that American-British-French policy from the first to the second world wars was aimed at strengthening political and economic reaction in Germany, in order to turn Germany into the hangman of the Soviet Union and of Socialism. From 1919 to 1939, this western policy strove to push Germany into war against the East. Only against that background can the wide-ranging successes which Hitler achieved at the outset be understood.

Endnote

1 According to a document of the Hitler fascist security service, which was found by the Red Army and quoted in Geschichtsfalscher, Dietz Verlag, Berlin 1952, p. 65. The text of the document was published in the Soviet journal New Times, No.27, July 1960. It also deals, incidentally, with the same Prince Hohenlohe, who in 1938 played a miserable role as Hitler’s undercover agent to Lord Runciman, Chamberlain’s emissary to Czechoslovakia, in preparing the Munich pact. Hohenlohe was then one of the richest owners of large tracts of land and forest in Czechoslovakia.

1 Comment

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One response to “INCO willingly helped Nazi German aggression

  1. Pingback: Research notes: The militarized Atlantic – From Norfolk and Halifax to the Irish and Baltic seas | Tony Seed's Weblog

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